February 10, 2018

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On these themes, see especially David N. Livingstone, Putting Science in Its Place: Geographies of Scientific Knowledge (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003). Recent work by historians of science on themes relating to scientific “spaces” both literal and metaphorical appears in Making Space for Science: Territorial Themes in the Shaping of Knowledge, ed. Crosbie Smith and Jon Agar (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1998). 12. On the diffusion model and its methodological shortcomings, see Bruno Latour, Science in Action: How to Follow Scientists and Engineers through Society (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1987), 141–45, 164–65.

Jussieu had the opportunity to help promote this kind of botanical imperialism, as Raj explains, but he ignored it because of his conception of the nature of botanical variety and its geographical distribution. He reckoned that every region of the world contained essentially the same variety of plant species, even when their appearances differed. Consequently, communications from botanists abroad were not of fundamental botanical interest to him, since the most they could do was to facilitate the identification of foreign plants with their French equivalents—including pharmaceutical equivalents.

1660–1800: A Textual Approach,” Journal of Historical Geography 24 (1988): 385–412. 60. For example, see David M. , Geography and National Identity (Oxford: Blackwell, 1994); Avril M. C. Maddrell, “Empire, Emigration and School Geography: Changing Discourses of Imperial Citizenship, 1880–1925,” Journal of Historical Geography 22 (1996): 373– 87; Anne Buttimer, Stanley D. , Text and Image: Social Construction of Regional Knowledges, special issue of Beiträge zur Regionalen Geographie 49 (1999): 179–91; Felix Driver, Geography Militant: Cultures of Exploration and Empire (Oxford: Blackwell, 2001); Withers, Geography, Science and National Identity.

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